Cincinnati, Aug. 20, 1859

Sir,-I have lately received information of a movement of so great importance, that I feel it to be my duty to impart to you without delay. I have discovered the evidence of a secret association, having for its object the liberation of slaves at the South by a general insurrection. The leader of the movement is Old John Brown, late of Kansas. He has been in Canada during the winter, drilling the negroes there, and they are only waiting his word to start for the South to assist the slaves. They have one of the leading men, a white man, in an armory in Maryland, where it is stationed I have not been able to learn. As soon as everything is ready, those of their number who are in the Northern States and Canada are to cross in small companies to their rendezvous which is in the mountains in Virginia. They will pass down through Pennsylvania and Maryland, and will enter Virginia at Harpers Ferry. Brown left the North about three or four weeks ago, and will arm the negroes and strike a blow in a few weeks, and so that whatever is done must be done at once. They have a large quantity of arms at their rendezvous, and probably distributing these already. As I am not fully in their confidence this is all the information I can give you. I dare not sign my name to this, but I trust that you will not disregard the warning on that account.
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Editor’s note: Floyd was the secretary of war under President James Buchanan. He disregarded the above letter, which proved to be right in most of its essentials. The existence of the note was revealed by the Senate investigating Committee in 1860.

Northern Impertinences with Regard to the Late Affair at Harpers Ferry

It was not to be expected that the affair at Harpers Ferry could pass away without an abundance of eloquence on the part of certain journals at the North, in the true Pharisee style, assuming, continually, their own superior virtue and the folly of all slaveholders in the mass. Henry Ward Beecher, in his Independent , deals largely in the article of admonition. The whole South is advised to take warning from this event. He deprecates the present outbreak, only because it was badly conceived. “Unless,” says he “his (Brown's) movement was part of a widely spread insurrection, now frustrated by a premature outbreak, it was, in every point of view, the height of madness; and even if it stood related to such a scheme, it would seem to have been both criminal and wicked.”-“It would seem to have been” and not “it was.” The pious Beecher has had his doubts whether murder and treason could be criminal. “But,” he continues, “what a system is that which provokes such horrors and gives such occasions for bloody insurrection?” “Blood will have blood, and the crimes of the Southern slaveholders will yet work out a fearful retribution upon their own heads.” Philosopher Greeley makes light of the whole affair, though he is rather disposed to make a hero of Old Brown. With that passion for classical allusion so characteristic, and so distinctive of his attainments, he tells that “already the bulletins of this war exceed in length and ponderousness, those of the war of the Greeks with Xerxes,” from which we gather that there are bulletins of that war in existence, and that the philosopher has seen them; a highly interesting fact, which ought not to have been kept so long from the learned world. Thurlow Weed thinks the South has been served right; for, says he, “if a man will build the house over a volcano, it is not those who warn him of his danger that are to blame for the eruption.” All the zeal of the anti-slavery party, in their exertions to prevent the spread of slavery into the new Territories, proceeds entirely from their desire to avoid such scenes as this. That we are understand, was the true motive which impelled many Northern men into Kansas , and armed them with Sharpe's rifles against the lives of their countrymen. They were afraid that Kansas might become, at some future day, the theatre of bloody insurrections, and they determined to prevent it by organizing a system to prevent murders that it might render all future violence impossible. In other words, they murdered the slaveholders themselves, to prevent them from being murdered by their slaves. Delightful logic this, and eminently characteristic!

It is not difficult to answer all this impertinence by simply referring to the history of the slave States. We state, then, without the fear of resonation, that no set of communities upon the whole face of the globe ever was so entirely free from domestic insurrection, or from every other kind of disturbing influence that had its origin among the laboring classes, as the slave States of this Union . We say we appeal to the history of every nation, community, city, kingdom, State and Commonwealth upon the face of the earth in attestation to the truth. How many times within the present century has England, in particular districts, been convulsed by insurrection, beginning among the working classes and sometimes threatening the very existence of the Government? Is not Ireland always in a state of chronic rebellion, owing to the inequalities existing in the social conditions of the people? Look at France and tell us what she has done within the last seventy years.-Look at the Northern States of the Union their agrarian principles, their bread or blood riots, and the utter abandonment of, and hostility to, all law by which their cities are distinguished. In Virginia we have had but two insurrections in two hundred years, and of these only one was bloody. In the other Southern States, insurrection has been quite as unusual as it has been here.

This very attempt at Harpers Ferry betrays an utter ignorance on the part of the fanatics of the conditions alike of the slave State and of the slave population. They evidently expected the whole slave population to join them, as soon as they could be apprised of the outbreak. Now, no man who has ever lived any time in the South, and who is, besides, possessed of a moderately good understanding could ever be so grossly deceived with regard to its condition. Many of the prints we have alluded to, make themselves merry at the large force assembled to repel this rebellion. To us it is a subject of congratulation to know that an overwhelming force can at any time be assembled within a few hours upon any point within the territory of Virginia . It was so in the Southhampton insurrection. That was put down by old Mr. Blount, confined at the time to his easy chair by the gout, his son, a boy of fifteen, one or two servants and about half a dozen shot-guns and ducking guns, loaded with buck-shot. But it was gratifying to see with what facility a large body of troops was assembled to fight the insurrectionists, since it afforded the best possible guarantee for the future.

“Excitement in Virginia”
Patriot Union, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania
November 2, 1859
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To the Colored People of Harrisburg.

You form a large portion of our population; you are supposed to sympathise (sic) with the recent attempt at insurrection in Harper’s Ferry. It is, therefore, proper that you should be told what this all means, and what you should always do under such circumstances. We speak to you on the subject because there are among you honest and intelligent men, who deserve to have these things explained to them. If left alone, you would not encourage such wicked efforts to excite the black race against the white race, and the white race against the black race, as a short time ago resulted in the death of over a score of persons of both colors, but the Republican party has been so long preaching to you, and Abolitionists have been so long goading you on, that you have commenced to think it your duty to interfere with slavery in the southern States.

But so soon as a deed is done, you see how these very men turn against you; how Republican newspapers denounced John Brown for attempting to put their preaching's into practice. The reason of this is here: You are of a different race from the great bulk of the people of America; your race is enslaved for the most part in this country, and the comparative few who are in the northern States have no part in the Government. You have rights which we will all defend: but as belonging to another race, there are laws against you in every northern State. Those laws are made for the purpose of keeping the races separate. If you improve yourselves, gain wealth and knowledge, we will be very much pleased: and we have provided laws according to which you may have every comfort and happiness which the whites have, and may improve your minds in every way. When you have shown yourselves to the whites, we think it just that you should have the political rights which the whites have. Before that you should not have them. And those who pretend to be your friends are not showing you the way to better your condition: for they are talking to you about negroes in the South, with whom you have nothing to do, when you should be attending strictly to yourselves and y our own homes. By not minding your own business, or permitting the Abolitionists to pretend to be doing your business in the South, a great injury results to you.

It is this. All this preaching of the Abolitionists must terminate in a terrible insurrection in the South, where many black men and many white men and women and children must be killed. That will excite the white race against the black race. You have seen how this Harper’s Ferry affair has made all the white people angry, and you must have observed that not one white man in Harrisburg says it was right. Well, then if it had been a serious affair, and if it had lasted months, while white women and white girls were being butchered in the South, what do you think would have happened here? This white race would have become more and more bitter, until they would have taken away some of the rights which you now have.

Brown Republicans may talk very much, but they are white: and when the horrible result of their writing and speaking should be scene they would all sympathise (sic) with their white brethren. All the whites here would be against you, and no man can tell what they would do in their fury. You see, then, that the Abolitionists are giving you bad advice, which may injure you very much.
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John Brown’s speech prior to sentencing

Wednesday, November 2, 1859
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Excerpt from court transcript:

The Madness of Brown

The most transparent humbug ever attempted to be played off upon any community, is the ridiculous pretense that Brown is a madman. Perhaps he will take the cue from his abolitionist friends, and get up an exhibition of lunacy for the entertainment of the “bystanders.” His late conversations, however, seem to indicate a good deal less of insanity than some of his questioners exhibited in their interrogatories. A more sensible, self possessed, and long headed rascal never fell into the arms of the law. It is vain for his confederate villains in the non-slaveholding States to talk of Harpers Ferry disturbances as the work of a “madman,” “a crazy fellow,” &c. Every one knows that Brown has been their chief agent in Kansas for years, chosen on account of his sagacity and nerve; that he had the confidence of their moneyed men, so that fifteen thousand dollars were placed in his hands for the prosecution of his infamous schemes. New England abolitionists are not very fond of parting with their money for any purpose, and we should never suspect them of putting them into the hands of a lunatic. The renting of a farm for two years near Harpers Ferry , and the system and secrecy with which during all that length of time he conducted the preparations for an outbreak, are not very striking evidence of madness. Such a pretext is so palpably false, that it is impossible not to suspect the Free-Soilers who urge it, of being themselves accessories, if not, in fact, at least in intention and sympathy. We have no doubt that “lame and impotent” as was the “conclusion,” there was a widespread conspiracy, having its ramifications in almost every non-slaveholding State , and that of this conspiracy, Brown was the chosen leader, having the entire confidence and respect of all its members. Our only regret is, that his confederates, in the free-States, including Gerrit Smith, Giddings, and other politicians, did not accompany him to Harpers Ferry , that they might all swing together from the same scaffold.

Private

Washington 10 November 1859

My Dear Sir,

On yesterday afternoon a gentleman called to see me and presented his card of which the following is a copy: “Col James Patton patentee of Patton's self balancing Sack Raisin and Lock: combined, Post Office Box 651, Troy N.Y. Residence 32, Lereuth Street Troy N.Y.” He came with another gentleman. They remained a few minutes during the hour of reception and went away. After he had left he returned and said he felt his duty to make an important communication to me and I told him to speak on. He said he knew a company of men had been formed in Troy to rescue John Brown and he had no doubt they would make the attempt. I cross examined him closely; but he could give no satisfactory information on the subject; but still expressed his conviction that such a company existed. I did not regard it of any consequence at the moment nor do I now look upon it in a different light. Still upon reflection I deemed it best to state the circumstances to you. If it should do no good it can certainly do no harm. I have no doubt your active vigilance will prevent the danger of any rescue.

Yours very respectfully

James Buchanan

John Brown's Statement at his Execution
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John Brown presented the following note to one of his guards prior to his execution on December 2, 1859:

Eyewitness at the Execution of John Brown

Thomas J. Jackson to his wife, Mary Anna Jackson
December 2,1859
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